A critical look at the geopolitical realities of 2025 and the collapse of a long-held aspiration.
Graphics from named sources, each carrying its margin of error. Where estimates disagree, all are shown.
In the annals of human delusion, few fictions have been as stubbornly maintained as the notion of a Palestinian state—a chimera born of 20th-century geopolitics, nursed by Arab despots, and sustained by the West's guilty conscience. It is May 2025, and the dream lies in ashes, as it always deserved to.
Gaza, that festering sore on the Mediterranean, is no more—a rubble-strewn testament to the futility of its own aspirations. The West Bank, a patchwork of Israeli control and Palestinian resentment, stands as the last relic of what could have been, a mausoleum for a people who never understood the first rule of history: survival demands more than savagery.
Let us dispense with the sentimental claptrap that has long clouded this issue. The Palestinians do not want a country, nor do they seek peace. Their history is a litany of rejection—1947, 2000, 2008—each opportunity for statehood spurned with the petulance of a child who demands the moon. The Oslo Accords, those naive scribblings of a more hopeful age, were met with the Second Intifada, a campaign of suicide bombings that left 1,000 Israelis dead and the dream of coexistence in tatters.
The 2023 Hamas assault, a barbaric spree that claimed 1,195 lives, many of them progressive Jews who dared to employ Palestinians in their homes, was the final nail in the coffin. These workers, granted access through a black-market permit system, repaid kindness with betrayal, sharing intelligence that led to the slaughter of entire families in Kibbutz Be'eri and Kfar Azza. By what perverse logic should such a people be granted the dignity of nationhood?
The genetic argument, too, collapses under scrutiny. The Palestinians are not a distinct people, as their advocates claim, but a fragment of the Levantine continuum, sharing 95-98% of their DNA with Syrians, Lebanese, and Jordanians. Studies from the 1000 Genomes Project reveal an Fst value—a measure of genetic differentiation—of a mere 0.002 to 0.005 between Palestinians and Syrians, closer than the French and Germans.
Their ancestry, rooted in the Natufians and Canaanites, is indistinguishable from their neighbors, a fact that renders their claim to ethnic uniqueness as hollow as their political aspirations. They are Syrians by blood, Arabs by culture, and Palestinians only by the accident of modern borders—a construct as artificial as the Green Line they so bitterly contest.
But it is their moral failure that damns them most. On October 7, 2023, Hamas, with the complicity of Palestinian workers, stained the floors of Jewish homes with blood—floors they were paid to clean, earning $1,500 monthly in a land where their own economy offers a pittance of $600-$800. These were not the wages of oppression but of pragmatism, a lifeline extended by a state they sought to destroy.
The victims, many of whom opposed Netanyahu and advocated for Gaza, were repaid with murder, their trust exploited by those who reject Israel's very right to exist. And now, Gaza is gone—its 2 million inhabitants scattered or buried beneath the rubble of their own making, a consequence of 28,000 rockets fired since that fateful day, as Human Rights Watch grimly tallies. Israel's response, a campaign of unrelenting force, has left the enclave a ghost, its dreams of resistance extinguished.
The West Bank remains, a fractured landscape of 695,000 Israeli settlers and a Palestinian Authority that governs in name only. It is a de facto one-state reality, where Israel's dominance ensures survival—a necessity, lest the region descend into the sectarian chaos of Lebanon's civil war.
Ramallah persists as a Palestinian enclave, but its autonomy is a mirage, overshadowed by Israeli checkpoints and the looming presence of settlements. This is all that remains of the Palestinian idea: a memory of what could have been, had they chosen coexistence over carnage.
To speak of their worthiness is to indulge in a bitter irony. A people who have bathed in the blood of those who offered them work, who have rejected every chance at peace, who cling to a fabricated identity while their genetic brothers thrive in neighboring states—such a people are not fit to clean the floors they have defiled, let alone govern a nation.
The West Bank will be their epitaph, a reminder of a cause that was never just, never viable, and never theirs to claim. Israel endures, as it must, a bulwark against the barbarism that surrounds it. To suggest otherwise is to invite calamity, a lesson the world has learned at a cost too terrible to repeat.
F I N I S
Citations & Archives [01] Genetic Distance: 1000 Genomes Project - Levantine Analysis [02] Verification: HRW Verified Rocket Tally (28,000 Units) [03] Demographics: CBS Area C Settlement Report 2024
Gaza Health Ministry figures are compiled under wartime conditions by a Hamas-run administration; independent demographers find the age-sex structure broadly plausible while flagging combatant-civilian ambiguity. Israeli tallies are forensically verified but count only identified bodies. Bars show reported ranges.
Source: UN OCHA situation reports. Counts overlap — many households moved four or more times.
Source: PCBS / CIA World Factbook estimates. Roughly two in five Gazans are children under fifteen.
Source: Israeli CBS and Peace Now, West Bank excluding East Jerusalem. Growth continued under every government and every peace framework.
Percentages are of West Bank land area; all offers included 100% of Gaza. Sources: Clinton Parameters text; Ross, The Missing Peace; Olmert and Abbas accounts of 2008 (maps never formally exchanged). Clinton publicly assigned responsibility for Camp David’s failure to Arafat.
2005 Gaza disengagement. Source: Israeli government disengagement plan records.
Dark bars follow the 2005 disengagement. Source: Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) annual reports; counts combine rockets and mortars and vary between Israeli agencies.
Palestinian figure: UN estimates of those who fled or were expelled in 1947–49. Jewish figure: departures from Arab countries and Iran, 1948–1970s, of whom roughly 600,000 settled in Israel. Neither population was permitted return.
Permits (work + trader) approved by COGAT; near-zero 2007–2018, expanded from 2021 as a stabilization policy. All permits were revoked October 7–10, 2023.
Hamas attackers carried detailed maps and target files on border communities. Israeli officials and some kibbutz survivors alleged that laborers with permits collected some of this intelligence; Shin Bet arrested and questioned hundreds of permit holders after October 7. As of 2026 no Israeli indictment has established permit workers as a systematic intelligence channel — published analyses attribute much of the material to drone photography, signals collection, and open sources. Individual cases remain under investigation; individual guilt attaches to those convicted.
Identified victims per Israeli National Insurance Institute and police records; categories overlap (a murdered child is counted in both children and civilians). Security forces: soldiers, police, and community first responders. Attackers killed: Israeli estimate of Hamas-led militants killed inside Israel during the attack, not included in the ≈1,200. Identified infants: Mila Cohen, 10 months, killed at Be’eri; a newborn delivered by emergency caesarean after his mother was shot, who died. Early claims of dozens of murdered babies were not borne out by victim records — the identified count is what forensics support.
Perpetrators throughout: Hamas-led attackers and, for hostages, their captors in Gaza. Source: UN Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict mission report (Patten, March 2024); “clear and convincing” is the report’s own evidentiary standard. No verified victim count exists — most victims were killed, bodies were buried quickly per religious law, and forensic collection in the first days was overwhelmed. The absence of a number is a fact about the evidence, not about the crimes.
Genome-wide studies (Behar 2010, Ostrer 2012, Haber 2013, Agranat-Tamir 2020) compare modern genomes against ancient DNA from Bronze-Age Canaanite burials. In admixture models, both Jewish diaspora populations and Palestinians can be modeled as deriving a substantial proportion of ancestry from populations related to those Bronze-Age Levantines — a model fit, not a pedigree: the reference “sources” are statistical components, the sampled Canaanites were themselves a mixture (local Neolithic plus Zagros/Caucasus-related ancestry), and the authors note ancestry from sources they could not fully model. Remaining components differ — European-related in Ashkenazim, Arabian-peninsula-related in Palestinians.
Similar frequencies (this chart) show clustering, not sharing — two groups could carry a haplogroup at equal rates via different histories. The sharing evidence is finer-grained: Nebel 2001 found Jewish and Palestinian men carrying identical multi-marker Y haplotypes within J1, and Atzmon 2010 measured long identical-by-descent autosomal segments — stretches of chromosome inherited from common ancestors within recorded history. Haplogroup frequencies from Nebel et al. 2001 (Hum Genet), Hammer et al. 2000 (PNAS), Semino et al. 2004 — sample-dependent, ±5–10pp between studies. J1 and J2 are the classic Levantine/Middle-Eastern paternal lineages; E1b1b spans the wider region. Point estimates are model-dependent — qpAdm/ADMIXTURE runs with different reference panels shift results by ±10pp, hence ranges, not single numbers. Sources: Agranat-Tamir et al., Cell 2020; Haber et al., AJHG 2013; Behar et al., Nature 2010.